After major mass shootings, communities shifted slightly to the left, Post analysis finds
Students dance to music atop a bus during a Vote for Our Lives rally at the University of Central Florida in Orlando on Oct. 31. Nine months after 17 classmates and teachers were gunned down at their Parkland, Fla., school, student activists faced the moment they had prepared for with marches, school walkouts and voter-registration events throughout the country: their first Election Day.
But the movement has had relatively little effect on voters here, who made a three-point shift toward the Democratic candidate between the 2016 presidential election and the 2018 gubernatorial election, when compared with Florida voters overall. The analysis used results in the first presidential or gubernatorial election after each attack compared with the one immediately preceding. In most cases, the changes were only slightly different from the trends across the state, but they varied widely.
Manuel and Patricia Oliver, parents of Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School shooting victim Joaquin Oliver, speak to news media in Miami in June 2018. The politics of Parkland In Parkland, where Stoneman Douglas High School students organized a nationwide March for Our Lives campaign and gun-control advocates spent millions of dollars on statewide elections, Democrat Andrew Gillum carried five of Parkland’s six precincts in Florida’s gubernatorial election.
[Twenty years since the Columbine shooting, it’s this man’s job to make sure there isn’t another one] “If it was just the gun, I would say, ‘Okay, it’s the gun’s fault,’ ” said Andrew Pollack, whose 18-year-old daughter, Meadow, was killed in the massacre. “But I did an investigation into every facet of how my daughter was murdered. There are multiple failures — from the sheriff, to the mental health system to the monitors at the school. How can you say it’s the gun’s fault?”
After the Sandy Hook shooting, Malloy successfully pushed for major changes to Connecticut gun laws, including universal background checks and a stronger assault-weapons ban.In November, Newtown voters split partisan loyalties in statewide races, supporting incumbent Sen. Chris Murphy , a gun-control proponent, while also narrowly backing Republican Bob Stefanowski in the Connecticut governor’s race. Stefanowski was endorsed by the NRA.
In one Newtown-area state legislative district, voters last year ousted GOP incumbent Will Duff in a race that partially hinged on his vote opposing a statewide ban on bump stocks, devices that allow a gun to fire more rapidly. Wristbands encouraging students to vote are seen on a table at a voting information booth during a Vote for Our Lives event at the University of Central Florida in Orlando on Oct. 31. The partisan divide Only one of the seven communities in The Post analysis became more Republican after a mass shooting: Sutherland Springs.
The Post’s analysis did not include the 2013 shooting at the Navy Yard in Washington, D.C., which doesn’t have gubernatorial elections. Twelve people were killed in that attack.
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