The special counsel did not find any of the contacts between Trump associates and Russians constituted a crime. But the episodes detailed in his report show that Trump aides declined to forcefully reject the Russian offers or report them to law enforcement.
By Rosalind S. Helderman , Rosalind S. Helderman Reporter focusing on political enterprise stories and investigations Email Bio Follow Tom Hamburger , Tom Hamburger Investigative reporter focused on the intersection of money and politics in Washington Email Bio Follow Karoun Demirjian and Karoun Demirjian Congressional reporter focusing on national security Email Bio Follow Rachel Weiner Rachel Weiner Local reporter covering federal court in Alexandria, Va.
The special counsel did not find any of the contacts between Trump associates and Russians constituted a crime. Mueller said his “investigation did not establish that members of the Trump Campaign conspired or coordinated with the Russian government in its election interference activities.” There were, Mueller wrote, “numerous links” between individuals tied to the Russian government and people associated with Trump. The special counsel said the communications consisted of business contacts, offers to assist the campaign, invitations for Trump and Putin to meet and for campaign aides to meet with Russian government officials, and policy proposals to improve U.S.-Russia relations.
But investigators laid out intriguing new details about those incidents — and also identified moments of interaction previously unknown publicly. “In some instances, the campaign was receptive to the offer, while in other instances, the campaign officials shied away,” Mueller wrote. Trump’s assistant Rhona Graff declined the invitation but received a follow-up email from Russian Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Prikhodko in March 2016 renewing the invitation, according to the report — perhaps the only instance during the campaign of a Russian government official directly reaching out to Trump.
Mueller wrote that investigators did not locate evidence that Foresman reached Trump. The banker told prosecutors that he was merely trying to burnish his credentials with the campaign and not establish a Russian back channel to Trump. Campaign contacts The Russians also sought to forge relationships with people involved directly in Trump’s campaign — particularly through aides with their own connections to Russia.
Immediately upon joining the Trump campaign in March 2016, Manafort instructed deputy Rick Gates to send memos announcing his appointment to four “friends” with Russia connections: three Ukrainian business titans and one Russian, the Putin ally Oleg Deripaska, the report said. That spring, Manafort briefed Kilimnik in person on the campaign. Kilimnik requested the second meeting, at a New York City cigar bar, to deliver a proposal from former Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych that would guarantee Russian control over a new autonomous region in eastern Ukraine, according to Mueller.
Meanwhile, Dimitri Simes, the Russian-born head of a Washington think tank, the Center for National Interest, who has advocated improved U.S.-Russian relations, had repeated communications with Kushner during the campaign, the special counsel found. Simes has numerous Russian government contacts, Mueller said.
In an email setting up the meeting, Simes also told Kushner about “a well-documented story of highly questionable connections between Bill Clinton and the Russian government.” Putin was anxious after Trump’s victory that he didn’t know the new president’s team better, Russian businessman Petr Aven told Mueller’s investigators.
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